Surveying South Sotho Built Environments: Stories of Continuity and Change

Throughout history, the built environment of South Sotho speakers has responded to cross-cultural interactions and actively changing social situations from the time of their arrival into the central interior of southern Africa to the present date. This dialog with multiple worlds reflects a tension between local and international, private and public, and demonstrates savvy navigation through social contexts that engage the fluid notion of identity and the maintenance of local belief systems within an actively changing society.

Innovative and culturally significant approaches to civic planning among Sotho-speaking peoples can be traced back to the 14th-16th centuries when the predecessors of South Sotho-speakers first arrived in the present-day Republic of South Africa and Kingdom of Lesotho. While the earliest structures themselves no longer exist, archaeologists have studied the remains of former settlements to gain an understanding of social organization and the significance of the built environment as an expression of identity. As Huffman explains, these early settlements follow the general layout of what is described as the "Central Cattle Pattern." Such settlements feature a central cattle corral (lesaka) with a surrounding residential zone.

Based on the remaining evidence, scholars have determined that domestic structures in these settlement types likely consisted of domed structures made of thatch (so-called "beehive huts") or circular pole-and-daga (a mixture of dung and mud) walls with a thatched roof. The archaeological remains of these settlements are thought to be related to cultural affiliation and are largely found in regions where Eastern Bantu-speaking peoples resided. It is significant that Sotho-speaking peoples organized their built environments with a livestock corral, or lesaka, as a central feature, not only to provide shelter and protection, but also as a spatial expression of local belief systems. This space, along with the judicial court, or khotla, was historically reserved for men, as was the livestock itself and any related materials such as skin, horn, and bone.

The symbolic value of such materials is significant, especially considering the connection between the male sex and cattle in South Sotho belief systems. For example, livestock essentially serve as a spiritual link with one’s familial ancestors, or balimo, as cattle were the basis of one's wealth, and were used as a trade commodity before the arrival of a cash economy. This wealth was typically passed down from father to son, thus linking newer generations with the old, resulting in the literal provision by one's ancestors to surviving kin. In addition, males of status were often buried in the wall of the lesaka, further strengthening the link between the male sex, cattle, wealth, and spirituality.

Even today, cows are the preferred sacrificial animal used for celebrating and communing with one's ancestors through feasts and other practices, and almost every part of the animal has value and significance. In addition, cattle play a major role in marriage agreements, and are not only used for paying bohali, or brideprice, and thus tightening familial bonds, but to maintain other roles in the bringing together of two families. For example, it was often regarded as a show of largesse for the groom's family to present a cow to the bride's family when visiting her homestead for the first time. It was also deemed a sign of respect to gift the mother of the bride a dairy cow, acknowledging her having breastfed the bride-to-be. Furthermore, an ox was historically slaughtered during the marriage feast and given only to the parents of the bride and groom. This was done in accordance with strict social guidelines regarding the distribution of food in South Sotho society where certain parts of the animal are consumed by specific individuals, based on one’s age, gender, and status.

Cattle also played a significant role in other facets of the life cycle, further emphasizing their centrality within South Sotho society. For example, upon the death of an individual, a cow was slaughtered as part of the cleansing process, and its skin was wrapped around the body of the deceased in order to prepare it for the afterlife. Furthermore, when males undergo lebollo, or initiation into adulthood, a bull is slaughtered, and one thigh given to the initiates. The ngaka, or herbalist, who oversees many of the necessary practices and procedures during this process, is given the remaining part of the bull as payment for his services and expertise.

In addition, cattle by-products also hold special significance among South Sotho-speaking cultures. For example, oxtails were used to make strings for sewing brooms and baskets, skins produced clothing, stringing beads relied on sinew, and horns were transformed into snuff bottles. Thus, the centrality of the lesaka, both physically and conceptually, played a significant historical role in the built environments of South Sotho-speaking populations and is still a central element in many contemporary communities in spite of changes in structures, materials, and civic planning.

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